“The
time is coming when politics will have a different meaning.”
Hans
Sluga
German
in origin and educated at Munich and Oxford, I have been for some decades now a
professor
of philosophy at the University of California at Berkeley. My publications
include a
book
on the historical origins of analytic philosophy (Gottlob Frege) and one on German
philosophy
and National Socialism (Heidegger’s
Crisis). I have written
extensively on Frege and
Wittgenstein
and less extensively on various other philosophical topics, including some
essays in
political
philosophy. From the beginning of my career I have been interested in both the
analytic
and
the “Continental” side of contemporary philosophy and highly suspicious of the
usual
distinction
between them. Above all, I see myself as a Europeanist concerned with a broad
spectrum
of European thought specifically from the nineteenth century to the present. My
outlook
is largely historicist though I appreciate the attractions of the timeless and
apriori.
In
recent years I have become increasingly interested in political philosophy as a
domain where
the
empirical, the historical, and the philosophical intermingle. My focus on this
field is to some
extent
due to my earlier preoccupation with Wittgenstein. I was interested in the
question where
one
could go in philosophy after Wittgenstein, if one did not want to leave it at
dealing endlessly
with
the conundrums he poses. In writing on political matters I have tried to make
use of some of Wittgenstein’s
concepts, though not necessarily in ways that will be easily identified by
others. Wittgenstein
was, among other things, a deeply a-historical thinker. He once wrote: “What
has history
to do with me? Mine is the first and only world.” I have asked myself what a
Wittgensteinian
approach to philosophy might look like, if one were to give up that position. The
attempt
to answer that question got me to politics. It got me also to Foucault. I may
be wrong in
seeing
a significant affinity between Wittgenstein and Foucault, but that possibility
intrigues me
and
so I have been writing lately a series of papers on Foucault.
At
a more ambitious level I have also been at work on a book on politics. I don’t
know exactly
when
it will be done. Every time I consider it finished, the material presents me
with new
questions. The paper I will be discussing with you
is meant to be the first chapter of that book
(or,
perhaps, the second one). I can talk about what the other chapters are intended
to look like. Despondent
about the possibility that this book may never come to an end I have recently
turned to
work on a book on Wittgenstein to which I committed myself quite a few years
ago.
The
paper
The
paper is, as I see it, a bit of an amalgam of history and philosophy. I am
trying to tell a tale
about
how people came to think about politics in the course of the nineteenth century
and why
their
concerns over politics initiated a twentieth century series of efforts to say
something new
about
the concept of the political. The philosophical point I am trying to make in
this way is that
this
developments signals a change in what politics is today.
I
try to characterize this change in terms of the idea that politics is a domain
of plurality but that what
is considered plural itself changes over time. My idea is that the recent
concern with the concept
of the political will not issue in a definition on which we can all agree but
rather in a
multiplicity
of contested concepts.
I
developing these notions, I have drawn in particular on the work of Carl
Schmitt, Hannah
Arendt,
and Michel Foucault and their writings are of immediate relevance to my text.
What they
say
can help one to understand why the concept of the political has become an issue
and what the implications
of that historical fact might be. I am also interested in what Schmitt, Arendt,
and Foucault
write specifically about the concept of the political – though in a wholly
critical spirit. My
question is precisely why we cannot be satisfied with their attempted
characterization of that concept.
Behind all this lies a suspicion (already voiced in Heidegger’s Crisis) that there is something
inherently problematic in the philosopher’s encounter with politics.
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